[Zhu Wei]"National" Narrative in Intangible Cultural Heritage

Abstract: The current background of the times and the development trend of China's culture have put traditional culture, especially intangible cultural heritage, in a dual rhythm of "closure and openness." The author believes that intangible cultural heritage is not a fragmented cultural event, but a systematic nature that is synchronized with the continuation of China's social culture.

Based on this, the author sorts out the historical and cultural narratives in many intangible cultural heritage, and borrows the concept of "Cultural China" to show how the "national" narrative can be expressed in contemporary intangible cultural heritage through historical, geographical and cultural expressions.

It is continued, deconstructed and reconstructed.

At the same time, this paper also puts forward the positive significance of the continuation and rejuvenation of intangible cultural heritage for the contemporary construction of a "national" narrative from the perspective of history and reality.

Keywords: Intangible cultural heritage; narrative; Cultural China; system; center facing north; author profile: Zhu Wei 1983-), male, native of Qing County, Hebei Province, associate research librarian of the Guangdong Province Cultural Center, Guangdong Province Intangible Cultural Heritage Protection Center).

Guangzhou, Guangdong, 510075);

Levi-Strauss regards "closure and openness" as the dual rhythm of the existence and reproduction of a specific culture.

The current development of traditional culture in China, especially the protection and inheritance of intangible cultural heritage, is facing this reality.

-Chinese traditional culture is not an "pastoral song" in the new era.

It has entered the world stage and gradually become an important part of Chinese discourse.

The "Belt and Road" initiative borrows the symbols of Chinese culture.

"Opening up" has become the mainstream trend in the development of China's traditional culture.

Correspondingly, how to sort out the macro narrative of China's traditional culture under the current situation, how to maintain the diversity and uniqueness of China's culture, how to "open up one's own world according to the rules of the ancients", and how to switch freely in the dual rhythm of "closure and openness"? These issues require a holistic thinking of "distant eyes" to re-examine intangible cultural heritage, and find inspiration from the historical development of China culture, so as to rebuild the narrative system of China traditional culture in the present.

I.

Narrative system of intangible cultural heritage

"Intangible cultural heritage" was originally regarded as an external concept, but now it is widely accepted by all walks of life.

The process of spreading, popularizing and even "China" of this concept in China is inseparable from the leadership of the country.

To this day, many academic studies on "intangible cultural heritage" include theoretical discussions from the level of national cultural administration.

However, in the academic world,"intangible cultural heritage" is generally embodied as a certain cultural matter, whether it is folk art, traditional crafts, traditional medicine, or folk rituals, and so on.

Many scholars tend to be pure intangible cultural heritage researchers.

In addition to paying attention to national administration and regional culture, they should also pay attention to the traditional cultural narrative system that combines the two-integrating concrete "intangible cultural heritage projects" and Conceptualized "intangible cultural heritage" into a complete system to form a grand narrative about "Cultural China." This has positive significance in contemporary China society, especially the various cultural manifestations of intangible cultural heritage, which are a continuation of China's social and cultural traditions in contemporary times.

When it comes to China's social and cultural traditions, there are people's unique cognitive systems hidden in them.

Just as "Hegel said, although China people have worship, they have no real religion.

The so-called religion of China is not a real religion, because what China advocates in their religion is still a humanistic world, not a world of gods outside and beyond the humanistic world." Perhaps different from the "God's World" shown in the Western religious context, China's humanistic traditions are often internalized in the daily life of society.

Since Confucius and Mencius, Confucianism has gradually penetrated every corner of China society.

Its "human nature in ideological orientation" and "worldly sentiment" in daily life are the true meaning of life and life of China people.

Yuzo Mizoguchi regards "the maturity and strong centripetal force of national culture" as the primary feature of China's characteristics.

This should also be the place where China people rely on to settle their souls.

In the picture of China's traditional rural society described by Mr.

Fei Xiaotong,"the differential order pattern constructed with families as a unit maintains a harmonious order of etiquette." Of course, two different sequential forms based on the concept of "home" systematically construct the structural system of China society.

In these interpretations of China's social traditions, it is not difficult to find the metaphorical cultural traditions behind them.

From this perspective, we can review the systematicness of China society, or we can call it "Cultural China." Professor Du Weiming attributed "Cultural China" to "three sense worlds." Perhaps we can think that Cultural China is not only related to blood and geography, but more broadly, it is based on the concept and cultural cognition of "Chinese." In this way, traditions in culture, especially traditional culture that continues to this day, just like the "intangible cultural heritage" that our country is currently concerned about, should be included in the overall construction of "Cultural China" rather than simply making an account recording the ancestral industries.

Mr.

Li Yiyuan proposed that the concept of "Cultural China" should be linked to small traditions and make up for Mr.

Du Weiming's shortcomings from a "vertical perspective" may be based on this consideration.

The narratives of Mr.

Du and Mr.

Li may provide a certain entry point for reviewing the effectiveness of cultural policies.

It is undeniable that the fundamental purpose of the intangible cultural heritage identification carried out by the state is the reconstruction and sustainable development of "cultural traditions".

However, the results of the record-based method are often utilitarian, pragmatic and politicized.

As far as many intangible cultural heritage recognized by the state is concerned, its significance to individuals often conceals the characteristics of group culture, while the value recognition dilutes the feelings of family and country in it.

Of course, if the influence of the national administrative discourse system is set aside, the cultural relevance shown by numerous intangible cultural heritage has already outlined a cultural system of China.

For example, in the embodied intangible cultural heritage, especially the regional oral literature, folk ceremonies and ritual activities, the traditional China "world concept" and "Central Plains complex" often become the most profound humanistic background, while the academic perspective of "looking at the center from the periphery" provides the most direct entry point for us to construct the "cultural China" system, among which South China has typical significance.

It can be said that every intangible cultural heritage has its own cultural narrative, and it is this cultural narrative that connects it with local society or other cultural matters on a broader level and builds a specific system.

For example, the legend about Meng Jiangnu is widely circulated across the country.

The "Legend of Meng Jiangnu" declared by Zibo in Shandong, Qinhuangdao in Hebei, and Jinshi in Hunan has been included in the national intangible cultural heritage list.

There has been a compilation and research on the "Legend of Meng Jiangnu" in academic circles for a long time.

Mr.

Gu Jiegang edited and published the "Research Collection of the Stories of Meng Jiangnu" in 1928, saying that "the story of Meng Jiangnu has been passed down for two and five hundred years in terms of its age.

It has almost spread throughout China according to its region.

It is really a very powerful story." It analyzes in detail the origin and evolution of the "Story of Meng Jiangnu" and believes that the story of Meng Jiangnu originated from the record of "Qi Liang's Wife" in Zuo Zhuan.

In the late Tang Dynasty, the poet monk Guan Xiu's "Qi Liang Wife""" summarized the various legends of 'Qi Liang who died in war during the Spring and Autumn Period' and created another legend of 'Fan Lang who died in building a city during the Qin Dynasty.

From then on, Great Wall and their couple have formed an indissoluble bond." In addition,"Research Collection on the Stories of Meng Jiangnu" also collects stories about Meng Jiangnu in many regions.

In many versions of folklore,"building the Great Wall" has indeed become an indispensable content.

This narrative itself contains the narration and cognition of the country by various regions and ethnic groups.

The cultural symbols represented by the "Great Wall" are self-evident-until now, the Great Wall is still a certain image of traditional China, which symbolizes people's understanding of "inside and outside".

In the historical sense, it is the boundary between the agricultural civilization of the Central Plains Dynasty and the nomadic people in the north, and has thus been borrowed as the boundary of historical China.

This is the cognitive system of China constructed and continued by folk narratives.

Here, grand narratives about history are combined with folk secular stories, and stories are passed down, spread and deeply rooted in the hearts of the people.

Not only that, local religious beliefs in China have also used similar means to build cultural connections above region.

Taoism, a native of China, was "established on the basis of a mixture of primitive religion, immortal magic, and folk beliefs, with the attached society relying on the Taoist thought of Lao Tzu." The construction of the legend of the "Eight Immortals" in Taoism is not only a typical example of the transformation of folk beliefs into religious beliefs, but also a typical example of the integration of different regions into a cultural whole.

Tieguai Li, the first of the Eight Immortals, is believed to be from Shaanxi during the Sui Dynasty.

Lu Dongbin was from Zhaoxianli, Yongle Town, Puban County, Puzhou, Tang Dynasty.

Han Xiangzi's origin has a very close relationship with Han Yu, the great literary hero of the Tang Dynasty.

He Xiangu came from Zengcheng, Guangdong.

Other Han Zhongli, Cao Guojiu, Zhang Guolao, Lan Caihe, and Han Xiangzi also have their historical archetypes and origins.

In the Zengcheng area of Guangdong, the "Legend of He Xiangu and Gualu" is still circulating, combining the uniqueness of the local specialty lychee with local mythical figures.

Its historical origin may not be clear today, but it is undeniable that in Zengcheng's folk stories, He Xiangu was He Xiangu before becoming the "Eight Immortals".

There are also legends about He Xiangu in surrounding Boluo, Longmen and other places.

In the "Huizhou Prefecture Annals" of the Jiajing Dynasty of the Ming Dynasty, there is "He Xiangu, the daughter of He Tai, a citizen of Zengcheng.

She was born in a prosperous life and was quiet, soft and simple in nature.

She lived in Chungang and Luofu Mountain facing each other, and once told her mother that she would visit Luofu.

His parents were very surprised and chose a match for him.

They suddenly lost their place at night when they met him in person, and the next morning they only had a pair of shoes beside the well.

Recently, a Taoist priest from Luofu saw Fairy sitting on a Magu stone and said to him: Zengcheng belongs to me to clean up the shoes on the well myself.

The record of the villagers thinking that they are immortal." In fact, there is a certain historical context for the formation and development of the "Eight Immortals" as a whole, but behind the narrative of this overall symbol, there must be support for individual narratives in different regions.

This cultural integrity and systematicness in individual narratives is particularly prominent in intangible cultural heritage projects in Lingnan.

2.

Narration of family and country in Lingnan Intangible Cultural Heritage

In Lingnan, folk expressions such as "Central Plains" and "Dynasty" are often equated with narratives of the country, while the prevalence of familism mixes "home" and "country".

The continuity of the family is synchronized with the rise and fall of the dynasty, becoming a unique narrative system.

The legends about the migration of people from Zhuji Lane to the south in Guangfu area are particularly prosperous.

Not only do the genealogy of various surnames record that ancestors migrated south through Zhuji Lane, but there are also various folk legends about ancestral residences and ancestors 'migration.

Many people also Go to Zhuji Lane to find their roots and ask their ancestors.

Qu Dajun's "Guangdong Xinyu" records: "I have a prominent family in Guanggu.

Most of their ancestors came from Nanxiong Zhuji Lane.

Gai Xiangfu has a jewelry alley.

During the Southern Crossing of the Song Dynasty, various courtiers followed him into the ridge.

It ends at Nanxiong.

Don't forget where the elm comes from.

It is also known as Zhuji Lane.

Just like Xinfeng in the Han Dynasty.

Thinking of my hometown." Regarding the name of Zhuji Lane, Mr.

Huang Shuping described two different accounts.

One is that it originated from the seventh generation of the Zhang family in the Tang Dynasty who lived together and were given jewelry ribbons and rings in recognition of it; the other is that when the courtiers of Nandu in the Song Dynasty came to Nanxiong, they called the land Zhuji Lane to commemorate their hometown.

She believes that "they are all related to the historical fact that the Han people in the north migrated south." Not only that, in the records of ethnic history in the Pearl River Delta region, the legend of Zhuji Lane has become a symbol and a microcosm, and has become the connection point between the history of the Central Plains and the development history of the Lingnan region.

Although most of the descendants of the surnames who moved south from Zhuji Lane came from the Central Plains, Zhuji Lane has special significance.

Mr.

Huang Shuping also paid attention to this phenomenon, saying that "in addition to directly connecting the origin of the family with a heroic figure with the same surname in history to show their own life, the genealogy of each surname all points out that the ancestor of Ju Noxiong was the ancestor." For example, in the genealogy of the Liang family in Longyan, Shunde, during the period "1039 of Emperor Shenzong of the Song Dynasty), Jin soldiers invaded the south.

The sixty-second generation of the Liang family, Xixue Gong fled the chaos and entered Guangdong and lived in Nanhua Temple in Shaoguan.

Later, he settled in Xujiatang, a pearl in the Shaxiong Water Town, Nanxiong, and married into the Xu family...

It is said that in the ninth year of Xianchun in the Southern Song Dynasty (1274), chaos broke out in Zhuji Lane, Nanxian, and people fled everywhere.

The ancestors of the Longyan Liang family, uncle and nephew, fled south from Nanxiong Za raft and drifted to Longzhu at that time, which is now the Longyan area." The above-mentioned legends about Concubine Hu occupy an important position in the story of the people of Zhuji Lane migrating south.

Today, descendants of Zhuji Lane spread throughout the Guangfu area, and even expanded to Southeast Asia and even Europe and the United States with the wave of modern immigration.

It may be believed that through a series of narratives such as the "Legend of the People of Zhuji Lane Moving South", various families in the Guangfu area combined their family history with the southern migration of Central Plains civilization to build a "family-world" identity structure.

In Guangdong's intangible cultural heritage, such narratives are countless.

In particular, the historical narratives about the Southern Song Dynasty and Yashan, etc.

are "stories of the Yamen Battle" in Jiangmen area.

The custom of "big pot vegetables" in Shenzhen, Dongguan and other places is said to have a close relationship with the Southern Song Dynasty Young Emperor who exiled in Guangdong.

It is said that the most famous "Song seed" among Chaozhou Dancong teas is widely planted after drinking it by Zhao Bing, the young emperor of the Southern Song Dynasty.

The Zhao family in Fushi in Taishan investigated by Mr.

Gong Peihua believed that its founding ancestor,"Fushi Zongyuan Gong is the eldest great-grandson of Xunya Gong Zhao Bici), was the legal heir of the Xunya ancestors of the Zhao family.

Xunya was the first to come to Guangdong.

He was a descendant of the imperial clan of Zhao Kuangyin's family and the eleventh grandson of Emperor Taizong.

As a royal clan, he followed Duan Zong from Jiangnan to Fujian to Guangzhou." Doumen in Zhuhai continues the sacrificial activities of the Zhao family and has a certain sense of sanctity in the eyes of local people; the origin of the Dongguan Thousand Corner Lantern is closely related to the legend of the imperial aunt Zhao Meiren as the sister of Zhao Kuangyin, and it is said that the "Twenty-Four Filial Piety" lantern belt embroidered by him was destroyed in the 1960s and 1970s.

This narrative of the origin of traditional cultural matters is similar to the historical construction in the family genealogy of South China.

The Song Dynasty is the most important division, which coincides with the development of the Lingnan region, especially the Pearl River Delta region.

Of course, whether it is the legend of the ancestors migrating south or the historical narration of the Song Emperor's disaster in Lingnan, it is not difficult to find the sense of identity among various ethnic groups in Guangdong with the culture of the Central Plains.

As the saying goes,"When etiquette is lost, people seek from the wild" has special significance to the Lingnan area-the ancient and pestilential land in history retains an orthodox culture, giving many people a faint sense of pride.

For example, the "Gaoyao Chunshe" and "Jiaguanming" characters in the Xijiang River Basin retain the worship and "crown ceremony" of China's traditional farming civilization.

Perhaps the survival of these phenomena that have been lost in the culture of the Central Plains is precisely the significance of the existence of the "wild" corresponding to the "center." In addition, the core of these traditional cultures still retains the genes of agricultural civilization and the influence of Confucianism, and the core is still the civilization towards the Central Plains.

In his inspection and description of intangible cultural heritage in South China, Mr.

Ma Guoqing has talked about this "center-to-north" narrative structure many times, and attributed "cultural expression in cross-regional society" to Cultural China.

Of course, South China is only one part of the cultural "differential order pattern", but it is the most special part.

By extension, Southeast Asia and overseas Chinese will be included in the "Cultural China" system-this is also one of the meanings represented by "South China as a Method."

3.

The rupture of the narrative tradition of "family and country and the world"

The country is the country, and the country is the world.

This is traditional China's observation and understanding of the world.

The home, country and world here are not entities, but a collection of cultural concepts.

However, in modern times, especially with the rise of nation-states and the prevalence of nationalism, China's "home" has transformed into a concrete "family", and the "country" has also changed the flexible concept that "the whole world is the king's land, and the land is the king's minister." As for "the world", it has been deconstructed by the development of modern technology.

In fact, what "the country and the world" represents is the cultural and conceptual China.

If we take the intangible cultural heritage as the core and reconstruct the development and continuation of the traditional culture of the Chinese nation, it is not difficult to find that traditional China's consideration of "home,""country" and "world" is following the changes of these intangible cultural heritage, rupture and deconstruction occur.

In fact, many intangible cultural heritage projects recognized by the state today lack the systematic characteristics of traditional ceremonies-"The most direct manifestation is the overall disappearance of traditional official sacrificial ceremonies and official sacrificial ceremonies, and this to a certain extent It affects the order and regional nature of national sacrificial ceremonies." Mr.

Li Ling said that "one family from all over the world is a typical China tradition" and believed that this was the rule of the country.

This view has a distinctly authoritarian interpretation, but it must be admitted to be reasonable.

Taking the Boluo birthday of offering sacrifices to the South China Sea as an example, the official ceremony of offering sacrifices to the South China Sea can be traced back to the Sui Dynasty, and the successive dynasties have not been cut off.

Behind it is hidden the concept of "four seas".

Today, Boluo's Birthday is still one of the most grand folk activities in South China.

It is a water celebration, four-township meeting, makeup parade, dragon and lion meeting, floating color performances, big shows, dragon boat events, elegant gathering of literati, flower festival and other activities.

Wonderful activities, Boluo chicken, Boluo symbol, Boluo rice dumplings and other things with distinctive folk customs still have a broad market among the people."The first time you visit Boluo, the second time you marry a wife" is not just a folk saying, but also expresses people's attitude towards Boluo's birthday.

Although the Polo Birthday in the new era ushered in a traditional revival, it must be said that corresponding to folk sacrifices, the national sacrifices to Nanhai gods are no longer available.

Although local governments continue to reconstruct rituals, they are limited to this cultural issue.

In itself, it lacks a holistic view of Chinese culture.

The author has participated in the Beidi Parade in Foshan many times, and truly felt the alienation of traditional rituals in contemporary cities.

Mr.

Li Song once used "public order and good customs" to summarize the traditional mass folk activities based on production activities, life etiquette, community festivals, rural rules and regulations, folk beliefs and rituals, etc., and believe that these activities are based on the principle of maximizing public interests, and their fundamental purpose is to achieve long-term stability of social order.

Indeed, the Foshan Zumiao Temple Fair is a traditional folk activity to worship the North Emperor.

In the research of Professor David Faure, Professor of the University of Science and Technology, he used "Qi Zhi to teach" to summarize the functions of seasonal festivals and belief rituals combined with family doctrine in regulating, integrating and continuing local society.

His analysis of the parade ceremony of the North Emperor in Foshan Ancestral Temple during the Ming and Qing Dynasties found that there were two different beliefs and behavior patterns between the gentry and the villagers in the parade ceremony, mainly reflected in the differences in parade time and ceremony.

He believes that in local societies like the Pearl River Delta, the gentry conforms to the thinking and norms of the dynasty and country through the construction of temples and altars, regular sacrifices and patrols to gods, and legends of gods 'appearances; the villagers achieve utilitarian goals such as praying for blessings through participation in rituals.

He sorted out the systematicness of the Northern Emperor's travel gods in Foshan."According to the" Qianlong "Foshan Zhongyi Township Annals, the Northern Emperor travels five times a year: the 6th day of the first lunar month, February 15th, March 3rd, July 8th, September 9th.

Among them, the wandering gods in February and July were stipulated by imperial edicts.

In other words, in order to thank the North Emperor for his assistance, the emperor required local officials in the form of imperial edicts to sacrifice the North Emperor on these two days every year."At the same time, he also emphasized the conflict between the official and folk nature of the North Emperor's tour, saying that" the gentry are full of awe of the North Emperor's wandering gods given by the emperor, and about the 'superstition' of the common people.

The lines of "Qianlong: Foshan Zhongyi Township Annals" are full of contempt of the gentry." Nowadays, the North Emperor Parade has been included in the national intangible cultural heritage protection system in the form of a "temple fair", while its sacrifices mainly retain the Spring and Autumn Festival festivals on March 3 and September 9, and have become a folk cultural activity led by the local government., become an important situation for local cultural administration.

Traditional official sacrifices and rural sacrifices have been integrated and replaced by symbolic ceremonies.

Although cultural departments at all levels participate in the sacrifices, there is a lack of expression of national discourse.

Simply put, the folk activities of the Northern Emperor's parade are still limited to Foshan and are no longer part of the entire national ritual system.

In addition, due to the absence of rural sages and gentry in urban life, this ceremony has little function in social integration, and it plays a more role in entertaining the public.

The situation of traditional ceremonial ceremonies such as the Polo's Birthday and the North Emperor's Birthday reflects the embarrassing situation of the nationalized ritual system in reality.

These were once the most basic cultural expressions in the "Cultural China" system and are the most intuitive reflection of the pattern of "family, country, and world".

The discourse expression has been separated by history and reality into independent cultural events.

However, even if the expression system of national discourse no longer exists, many folk activities still connect local areas and build a cultural context of China.

There is a folk identification system of "Lifang-Village-China" in Lingnan.

As seen in the customs of Dragon Boat Race at the Dragon Boat Festival in Jiangmen, Dongguan, Foshan, Guangzhou and other places, each dragon boat is a typical symbol, representing a Lifang and the gods it worships.

Here, god beliefs are integrated with secular areas through dragon boats, and different dragon boats are then integrated into a regional network through racing customs.

These areas are in turn included in a broader space and space.

The ritual dragon boats in Jianghai District of Jiangmen are the epitome of the local traditional Lifang society, while the Dragon Boat Month activities in Wanjiang District of Dongguan city cover a wider range of villages.

Foshan's "Yanbu Lao Dragon" and Guangzhou's "Pantang Little Dragon" formed the relationship of "Qiye" and "Qizi" in folk narratives, which continues to this day.

As mentioned above, Longyan Village in Leliu, Shunde, this place name stems from the fact that it was once the crowning point of dragon boats in the surrounding Shunde, Nanhai, Zhongshan and even larger areas.

Today, dragon boats from many areas of the Pearl River Delta still come here every year before the Dragon Boat Festival.

Pay homage and make the crowning point.

It can be seen that throughout the Pearl River Delta region, regional society is integrated through traditional dragon boat customs.

There are not only competitions in villages, but also friendships that have lasted for hundreds of years.

There is also a "finishing touch" that connects regional society.

-In this case, dragon boat racing is not a regional cultural image of the Pearl River Delta.

Table 1: Comparison table of ritual and dragon boats with Li Fang and Village

As can be seen in many folk activities in Lingnan, the folk nature of these intangible cultural heritage still exists, but its consideration of "the world" and "the country" lacks the necessary inheritance; in addition, most of the nationalized ritual systems have ceased to exist.

They are either deconstructed by historical processes or hidden behind certain specific ritual links and folk narratives.

In the discourse constructed by traditional culture,"country and world" has been dismembered into separate concepts.

How to reconstruct the systematicness of "Cultural China" in the real context is a problem that must be faced.

4.

The realistic perspective of cultural China

In the historical process, many elements of intangible cultural heritage have constructed the underlying form of "Cultural China." Traditional China's concept of "country and country" has many coincidences with "Cultural China." It is home to the country, and from the country to the world.

This traditional understanding is not only contained in the intangible cultural heritage of rural society, but also included in nationalized ritual celebrations.

Just like the folk ritual activities in Lingnan, although most of the main bodies are families or village communities, what they convey is the so-called "orthodox" Central Plains culture."The center faces north" is an incisive expression of this phenomenon.

In the past period of time, the concept and cultural system of "family and country, the world" have been impacted, deconstructed, criticized and even abandoned.

Today, China's traditions are constantly being revitalized.

This aspect is an urgent need of the people's cultural life, but it also benefits from the country's development and progress in politics, economy, culture, society and other aspects.

In recent years, the state has spared no effort in the protection and inheritance of traditional culture, but it should be realized that the system built by cultural administration cannot replace the narrative of "Cultural China." The history and reality we are facing is that in the past nearly a hundred years, the nationalized ritual tradition has been broken and abandoned like the shadow of the old society.

This may be a historical necessity.

As Mr.

Qian Xinzu believes,"When it comes to tradition, it is actually a very complex phenomenon.

It is not completely stable, lasting and unchanging, and the process of its evolution and formation is not one-way without twists and turns." Levinson believes that the reform trend that has emerged in China society since the 20th century has divorced from traditional China values and caused the loss of the concept of "world".

However, the loss of the concept of "world" in traditional rituals does not mean that the Confucian cultural system has been completely abandoned.

The roots of traditional culture are still there."Cultural China" has long been internalized into the social psychology and national spirit of the Chinese nation, and it still has strong vitality.

In the past four decades, the deepening and transformation of the country's understanding of traditional culture has brought certain opportunities for the rejuvenation of traditional culture.

From the revival of folk temple fairs to the recognition of various ritual celebrations and religious activities by the state and society, especially the "Mazu Belief" recommended for inclusion in the UNESCO "Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity" in 2009, it shows that the state's concern for traditional culture is no longer limited to folk art, and traditional ritual celebrations and religious activities have become part of the national culture of China, which is also derived from the cultural consciousness and self-confidence of the current country.

In fact, after the people have gradually restored these ritual traditions in recent years, attempts are also being made at the national level to reconstruct the ritual system of "Cultural China".

Sacrifice activities such as offering sacrifices to the Yellow Emperor and Genghis Khan have been organized by the state-these activities may be intended to enhance the cohesion of the Chinese nation, but in the long run, they are gradually building a new "Chinese" cultural expression system.

The author has discussed the formation and development process of the "new socialist tradition" in contemporary China, and believes that "the new socialist tradition is based on the production and reproduction of culture in China's social traditions.

Various discourse systems such as tradition and revolution, globalization and localization, modernization and nationalization blend and compete with each other in this process.

There are abandonment, reconstruction, immersion, and rejuvenation, and as the social situation changes, the process presents different characteristics." From this, no matter what angle, cultural "China" has always existed, and has even become the fundamental source of power for the survival and rejuvenation of many contemporary intangible cultural heritage.

Mr.

Li Yiyuan's discussion of "Cultural China" and "Small Tradition" is of great significance to the study of intangible cultural heritage under the narrative framework of "Cultural China", but its analysis cannot abandon the "great tradition" of China society represented by Confucian culture.

In the past, Sinology circles generally emphasized the "Confucian" nature of China society.

However, since the revolution, especially after the nearly a century of social transformation, what changes have taken place or even occurred in China society? As a result, if contemporary China's reconstruction of nationalized ritual traditions, and even the current construction of the "Belt and Road", simply consider it a restoration of cultural traditions, can the concept and order of "the world" be rebuilt in the new China? If this reconstruction process is to be interpreted as cultural reproduction under real conditions, then we must have an extremely clear understanding of China society and culture in the evolution of history.

We have to admit that with the formation of China's international cultural vision and discourse system, as well as the revival and reconstruction of cultural traditions under the new situation, a "Cultural China" that is different from the tradition has gradually taken shape.

(This article was originally published in "Cultural Heritage", issue 05, 2018.

The annotations are omitted, and refer to the original text for details.)