[Xu Leirong Shuyun] The interaction and isomorphism between the intangible cultural heritage protection movement and folk traditions
Abstract: The interaction and isomorphism between the intangible cultural heritage protection movement and folk traditions has separated handicrafts that were originally attached to folk traditions from the original cultural environment, and their ceremonial, symbolic, productive, folk and other aspects have been changed.
Social mechanisms have been rebuilt, and multiple value connections between people and "things" have evolved.
Taking Yangjiabu Kitchen King New Year pictures as an example, we can use artistic anthropology from the perspectives of its creative basis and symbol interpretation, folk "heritage", the "reliance" nature and authenticity of folk traditions, and the reciprocity between intangible cultural heritage discourse and folk traditions.
Research paradigm explores the cultural fission drivers, social function differentiation and artistic boundary reconstruction of the Kitchen King New Year pictures in the process of interaction and isomorphism between the intangible cultural heritage protection movement and folk traditions, and then interprets the cultural reproduction of ceremonial images in the intangible cultural heritage context.
Keywords: Yangjiabu Kitchen King New Year Picture; Intangible Cultural Heritage Protection Movement; Folk Tradition; Interactive Isomorphism
Since China joined the United Nations Convention for the Protection of Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2004, a top-down social movement has been formed in the social and cultural field in the name of intangible cultural heritage protection.
As we all know, folk handicrafts account for a large proportion in the intangible cultural heritage list.
Before folk handicrafts projects entered the intangible cultural heritage context constructed by the intangible cultural heritage protection movement, they were rooted in the "etiquette and customs society" under the original "cultural context".
As a cultural system,"etiquette" plays an important role in local life and social order, and plays a balancing role in maintaining "national unity", local social development and people's daily life.
After entering the context of the intangible cultural heritage protection movement, folk handicrafts were separated from the original cultural environment and transplanted into contemporary towns and even urban life.
Their ceremonial, symbolic, social, and folk customs were rebuilt by different social mechanisms, and the value connection between people and "things" evolved.
It is precisely because of this interactive and isomorphic relationship between the intangible cultural heritage protection movement and folk traditions that the government and academic circles have questioned topics such as social changes, cultural identity, artistic functions, identity construction, heritage tourism, and knowledge discourse in intangible cultural heritage.
The academic community has established a new research field around the concept of intangible cultural heritage, intangible cultural heritage protection, intangible cultural heritage inheritance, intangible cultural heritage value, etc., and has built "intangible cultural heritage" into a discipline.
In terms of the content and objects of intangible cultural heritage research, disciplines such as folklore, anthropology, sociology, history and art have all made in-depth research on intangible cultural heritage in recent years and achieved excellent results in their respective disciplines.
In particular, scholars in the folklore field have made an in-depth and objective analysis on the conceptual analysis between "intangible cultural heritage" and "folk customs" such as "original ecology" and "authenticity", mutual benefit of disciplines,"intangible cultural heritage" of folk customs, historical connections, and reflection on research paths.
On the basis of this research, this paper intends to take the changes and reconstruction of the Yangjiabu Kitchen King New Year Picture in Weifang, Shandong Province, a folk belief handicraft in the context of intangible cultural heritage, as an example to explore the survival and development path of folk art in a modern society, and then study The interactive and isomorphic relationship and state between the intangible cultural heritage protection movement and folk traditions.
Judging from the social life history of the Kitchen King image, it originated from the stove sacrifice ceremony and originated from the worship of the Fire God.
As far as the Yangjiabu Kitchen King image is concerned, folk artists in the early Ming Dynasty created ritual images based on text stories that met the needs of the people's sacrificial customs, aesthetic psychology, and social functions.
After continuous inheritance and innovation by generations of artists, in the middle of the Qing Dynasty,"painting patterns" suitable for different areas in the north and south of the Yangtze River were created.
At present, regarding the research on Yangjiabu Kitchen King's New Year paintings, some researchers have paid attention to the Kitchen King's textual narrative, stove worship customs, iconography, aesthetics and other aspects from the perspectives of folklore, aesthetics, etc., but they often ignore the producers 'production experience, the trading experience of vendors, the use experience of ordinary people, and the relationship between these factors and social context.
This is precisely the key to discussing the interactive and isomorphic relationship between a Kitchen King New Year painting between the intangible cultural heritage protection movement and folk traditions.
Therefore, from the perspectives of the creation basis and symbol interpretation of the Kitchen King New Year pictures, the "heritage" of folk customs, the "reliance" nature and authenticity of folk traditions, and the reciprocity between intangible cultural heritage discourse and folk traditions, we use the artistic anthropology research paradigm to explore the cultural fission drivers, social function differentiation and artistic boundary reconstruction of the Kitchen King New Year pictures in the process of interaction and isomorphism between the intangible cultural heritage protection movement and folk traditions, and then interpret the cultural reproduction of ceremonial images in the intangible cultural heritage context.
1.
Ritual images as folk traditions
As a substitute for gods, the functional value and cultural symbols of statues are widely found in folk rituals.
The entire title of Kitchen King is "Eastern Chef's Life Nine Spirit Yuan King Dingfu Divine Lord", commonly known as "Kitchen Lord", which is the god of the kitchen, and is posted on the kitchen stove.
As a folk god, the Kitchen God has widespread influence in rural areas of China.
As long as the custom of family worshiping the stove still exists, it is necessary to post portraits of the Kitchen God.
From a semiotic perspective, the Kitchen King image is based on local texts and jointly constructed by producers and users.
The relationship between image and text is a transformation of the cognitive concepts and values of how local people view the world around them.
This transformation is full of signifiers and signifiers, that is, the image and the psychological representations behind it.
Due to differences in geographical location and regional culture, different regions have different visual representations of the belief in the Kitchen God, and the kitchen God image symbols on which the custom of offering sacrifices to the stove also have different styles.
Regarding the interpretation of symbols, a process of encoding and decoding is needed between producers and users to limit the ambiguity of meaning.
"Symbol" is an aggregation of meaning.
The diversity of local knowledge makes the meaning of images in various places "different focuses".
It means that people interpret these symbols differently in texts to accommodate social, geographical, and historical differences.
To discuss how an image of the Kitchen King is designed, we should look at the type, composition, color, shape, artistic style of the image, and how the meaning interacts with the user and creates empathy.
In the middle of the Qing Dynasty, Yangjiabu folk artists created hundreds of different types of portraits of the Kitchen God to meet the different needs of different regions for portraits of the Kitchen God, and sold them to various parts of the country and even overseas places such as Vietnam, Myanmar and other places.
Therefore, there is an exaggerated saying in the local area that "there was Yangjiapu in the world, and then there was the Kitchen King." It can be seen from the images of the Kitchen King preserved in the village that the forms of the Kitchen King images produced in Yangjiabu Village are diverse and can be divided into five types according to their size: large stove, second stove, third stove, fourth stove, and small stove.
According to the composition of the picture, they are divided into single-layer stove, two-layer stove, and three-layer stove.
The three-layer stove stove is also called big stove and second stove.
The god of wealth, house god, eight immortals, etc.
are added to the picture, which is a comprehensive kitchen king); The two-layer kitchen king is usually the third stove and fourth stove; the first-layer kitchen king is also called the small stove.
Table 1 List of usage of Yangjiabu Kitchen King New Year paintings
Form applicable area size type
Type Shouguang High 70cm × Width 36cm 32-person stove
Second stove Hanting, Shuangyang, Linqu, height 63 cm × width 32 cm, 30 or 28 person stoves
Three stoves in Ju County, Rizhao, Changyi, 48 cm high × 27 cm wide, cornucopia, three stoves, three stoves
Four stoves, Yishui, Qingzhou, Mengyin, 40cm high × 22cm wide, Shuangxi, four stoves, small God of Wealth, and four stoves
Xiaozao Northeast area 30 cm high × 20 cm wide double-headed stove
According to the owners of Yangjiabu and Shunde Painting Shop, the customs of offering sacrifices to the stove vary in different places across the country.
The reason is that the legendary texts of the Kitchen God are different from place to place, and the portraits of the Kitchen God needed in different places are also different.
Generally, painting merchants from various places bring old paintings from their hometowns and ask artists in Yangjiabu to reproduce them.
There are also new paintings created by Yangjiabu artists based on the legend of the kitchen god, living environment, stove worship customs and other conditions of the place.
Over the course of hundreds of years of development, Yangjiabu people have accumulated dozens or even hundreds of styles of Kitchen King paintings.
Folk stories and folk New Year pictures are different texts, and the two need to be transformed into symbols.
The content in folk stories is familiar to the common people, and they are naturally also the themes of folk New Year paintings, and their narrative nature and moral meaning come from this.
However, compared with folk stories, folk New Year pictures bear more abundant functions, meanings and symbols.
Specific to religious New Year pictures such as the Kitchen King New Year pictures, the picture elements must be clear and concise, so that the audience can "meditate".
effect.
The types of "variant texts" in the story of the Kitchen King are obviously larger in number than the types of New Year paintings of the Kitchen King, with as many as hundreds of types in the former.
When creating Kitchen King paintings, Yangjiabu's New Year paintings transformed the "text complex" of the general public into "image cognition" and gave more content.
For example, the Kitchen King New Year paintings used by Yangjiabu villagers to worship the stove are 30 heads and three-story second stove.
The first, second and third layers of the painting are the "God of Wealth","Kitchen God, Kitchen God Grandma" and "God of Fortune" respectively; there are symmetrical Eight Immortals on both sides of the immortal as foil.
There are couplets posted on both sides of the screen,"God speaks good things, and the world brings good luck", and the banner reads "The head of the family".
It can be seen that the image of the Kitchen King and the mutually exclusive language texts in the sacrificial activities are expressions of the people's thousands of years of beautiful expectations for a prosperous life, extended life, and safe homes.
The God of Wealth, Fortune, and Family in the three-story stove satisfy people's psychological needs in one painting, which has to admire the imagination of folk artists.
The rich and gorgeous Kitchen King New Year pictures are a symbol, a symbol, and a sustenance.
Composition is very important to the primary and secondary control of the picture, and New Year paintings are no exception.
In religious New Year paintings, there is such a clear creative understanding: the primary and secondary positions must correspond to the ethical order of people's lives.
The Yangjiabu Kitchen King New Year painting is rich in content and diverse in expression.
A Kitchen King painting can incorporate various elements such as the God of Wealth, Kitchen King Lord and Grandma, God of Fortune, Lucky Boy, Guards, Eight Immortals, horses, chickens, dogs, etc.
The picture is full and the atmosphere is warm.
The "god of position" is generally located on the center line of the picture and sits in danger on the front; other attendants select 3/4 faces to serve their respective "god of position" and highlight the dominant position of the "god of position".
The "Eight Immortals" are located on both sides of the picture and serve as dual protection.
They are also in line with the aesthetic taste of the folk people that the more, the better.
Presenting in a symmetrical composition form is conducive to strengthening the central position of the main god.
Folk artists often adopt patterns and postures familiar to ordinary people to construct pictures, which facilitates the transmission of information.
Without the "gods" posture in folk concepts as a "dictionary" of ideas and decorative symbols, it would be difficult for creators to create religious images that people like to hear and hear.
However, these "dictionaries" are not created by users, nor are they imagined by folk artists, but are "in line with the arrangement of idols in religious places such as temples and grottoes, and are also a reflection of the hierarchical concept of the supremacy of the master in the world." The arrangement order of these statues regulates the composition imagination of folk artists when creating them.
Folk art is the collective crystallization of folk artists, and the creators pay attention to the catharsis of collective emotions."The image of the Kitchen God is a direct reaction of the folk belief in the Kitchen God.
It has become a necessary idol in the process of folk worship to the Kitchen God.
In order to meet people's sacrifice, aesthetics and image expression needs, folk artists use exaggeration and imagination expression methods to create images with painting forms and visual effects." The artistic style of works created for the collective is inevitably restricted by public emotions.
Once the style of New Year paintings in a region is determined, it will not change casually, and has unique and lasting characteristics.
Because the style is influenced by skills, the unique "knife flavor and paper feeling" of woodcut printmaking is distinctive.
Red, yellow, blue and purple are its basic colors, and together with ink lines and white space, form the color configuration of the picture.
Yangjiabu New Year paintings strictly follow the concept of "New Year paintings are surnamed Nian", and emphasize heavy ink, heavy color and bold color use.
This folk aesthetic style of the common people is related to their living space and their "taste"-they express their thoughts and thoughts in the picture without hesitation.
The authenticity of this artistic feature stems from the result of cultural interaction between artists and users, and is also a product of folk traditions.
2.
From folk customs to "heritage": the constructed "defamiliarization"
Even today, the folk custom of offering sacrifices to the stove still exists widely, and the Yangjiabu Kitchen King New Year pictures still have a large market.
Such a folk culture with a long history and still fresh vitality has been constructed as a "heritage" culture after entering the context of the intangible cultural heritage protection movement.
Under the joint action of the government, academic circles, media, society and other parties, Yangjiabu, the origin of New Year paintings, has gradually become a "cultural landmark".
As a folk popular culture, Yangjiabu New Year paintings have begun to be regarded as valuable public culture, representing the Weifang area.
Regional cultural image.
To a certain extent, this is a huge historical progress, because it respects history, folk customs and culture, and is also the practice of cultural consciousness in folk art.
In the context of intangible cultural heritage protection,"...
folklore is no longer a backward, irrational, and absurd culture passed down by marginal ethnic groups or lower-class people, but a local heritage, a nation-state heritage, with immeasurable political, economic, and cultural value.
Excavating and displaying real, unique and unique folk culture and transforming it into intangible cultural heritage has become the pursuit of local governments and scholars who spare no effort." Yangjiabu Village, as a dual heritage village kites and New Year paintings, has also gradually been built into a heritage tourism development zone.
Yangjiabu Folk Art Grand View Garden has become a national AAAA tourist attraction.
Yangjiabu Village's natural and cultural landscapes, as well as craft intangible cultural heritage projects have been re-transformed, and handicrafts originating from folk customs have been "heritage" and become heritage tourism handicrafts that are displayed and appreciated.
The "heritage" process of folk handicrafts separates intangible cultural heritage from the cultural environment in which they survive and enters a defamiliarization process of being produced and constructed.
This process makes intangible culture more and more distant from its daily life.
The true appearance of the form.
This process of being "defamiliarization" is the motivation for the fission of folk culture in the intangible cultural heritage context.
In terms of the practicality of New Year paintings, before the 1980s, Kitchen King New Year paintings were practical New Year articles.
The paper ranged from the original native paper to the narrow long paper and wide paper imported from abroad in the middle of the Qing Dynasty to the domestically produced single adhesive tape and polished paper around 1949.
With the development of tourism in the 1980s, different types of Kitchen King New Year paintings were purchased by foreign friends and domestic New Year paintings enthusiasts as tourist souvenirs, handicrafts, and collectibles.
In order to develop tourism needs from the 1990s to the present, Yangjiabu Woodblock New Year paintings Society has taken the lead in binding Yangjiabu's different types of New Year paintings such as statues, beautiful girls and dolls, operas, etc., bound into books for sale, the paper is changed into rice paper, and the pigments are also hand-boiled into industrial pigments by local methods.
This is the first attribute transformation in the history of woodblock New Year paintings that has been separated from the folk use function.
From the perspective of making New Year pictures, making a traditional Kitchen King New Year pictures requires a series of production conditions: First, the regional pattern design with folk customs and cultural knowledge has different requirements for New Year pictures used for offering sacrifices to the stove.
Therefore, producers must understand the use requirements of consumers in different regions); second, the woodblock wood and pigments used in making traditional Kitchen King New Year pictures; third, there is a certain degree of communication with consumers in the areas where it is sold; The fourth is the funds needed for the production of New Year paintings workshops.
The history of New Year paintings since the late Qing Dynasty shows that almost every of these production requirements has changed to varying degrees, especially offset New Year paintings, lithographed New Year paintings and computer-machined New Year paintings since industrial society.Changes in these production factors all restrict individual labor methods, social organization methods and cultural expression methods in the production of New Year paintings.
The interaction between these methods constitutes a four-fold production experience framework of technical, social, cultural, and natural, and any factor in these four-fold frameworks can reflect some key issues in social change.
From the perspective of economics of New Year paintings, the emergence of mechanical New Year paintings benefited from the invention of printing technology and the emergence of computer design software in the industrial era.
Compared with the common prints in cities, rural society is more interested in the high production efficiency of machine printing and market benefits.
favor, this seems to be the gospel brought to producers by high technology in the new era.
From the perspective of market benefits, between 2015 and 2017, New Year painting shops in Yangjiabu area produced a woodblock overprinted kitchen king.
The cost of paper, pigments, labor, etc.
was generally between 3.00 and 5.00 yuan.
The retail price of the painting shop was 5.00 to 10.00 yuan.
The purchasing group is generally New Year painting enthusiasts and researchers.
After 2003, the cost of machine-printed Kitchen King New Year paintings is about one dime, and the wholesale price sold to retailers is 1.5 to 2.0 cents.
Before the Spring Festival, the price was 1 yuan in a rural market.
This machine-printed Kitchen King New Year painting not only left middlemen with a lot of profit space, but just because producers value the win by quantity, the profits have exceeded the income of family workshop New Year painting producers.
From the perspective of the producers of New Year paintings, families who have abandoned the traditional manual printing investment mechanism for New Year paintings do not seem to understand what the craftsmanship left by their ancestors means in today's or future society.
"Development for everything, everything for development" is a fashionable survival philosophy in rural areas.
The production relationships and production methods of those families that engage in machine production are completely different from the production of traditional woodblock New Year paintings.
The main production force of traditional woodblock New Year paintings is their fathers, who master the ancestral superb carving skills, while the main force of machine production is their young sons.
Whether it is pattern design or machine operation, the advantages of their fathers are completely lost here, and young people have strong learning and control skills over machines.
After a short period of technical training, they can be officially put into market production.
New year painting producers and local small vendors pay attention to interests.
Producers consider the production cost rather than the user's spiritual demands and sense of cultural belonging.
In order to save costs, machine new year painting makers no longer focus on the lines and colors of the paintings.
Strive to pursue beauty and rationality, and will not pay attention to the special needs of consumers in different regions, traditional styles).
Through a survey on the production of Yangjiabu's machine-made New Year paintings, it was found that the types of Kitchen King New Year paintings produced by Yangjiabu currently on the market have ranged from the original five types of traditional woodcuts: big stove, second stove, third stove, fourth stove, and small stove.
There are more than 100 styles, and the sales scope is in different regions of the country, reduced to three types of big stove, second stove, and third stove, with five or six styles.
The main sales scope is within the province.
The reduction in sales scope shows that machine copies are being replaced, while traditional handicraft products are difficult to move regionally with the changes of society, because handicrafts more include the skills genes and localization passed down by ancestors.
Cultural symbol.
The difference between woodblock overprinted Kitchen King and machine-printed Kitchen King in traditional production methods is not only the price, technology, style and size, but the biggest difference is the producer's artistic creation at the philosophical level-The closeness between the localism of the Kitchen King's story text and the image creation.
Today's machine New Year paintings are actually a "convenient" copy of traditional images without changing the general feeling.
However, the common people don't care about these subtle changes."Care" and "Don't care" just retain the authenticity of Kitchen King-etiquette and custom supplies.
From manual work to machine production, the ceremonial functions inherent in the Kitchen King New Year paintings play the role of a re-enchantment in the disenchantment era.
This is the result of the "traditionalization" of images as folk culture in the intangible cultural heritage protection movement.
When painting was a family-style traditional production, it reflected the polymer of labor value and symbolic value.
The social value of traditional woodblock New Year paintings was related to the social status of the producers and the value of time-honored painting shops.) When the mechanical New Year pictures appeared in the era of technological reproduction, the social status of producers was eliminated by the pure practicality of the mass production of mechanical New Year pictures.
Because the Kitchen King New Year pictures used by consumers only value the "symbols" in the stove sacrifice ceremony, rather than the artificial factors in craftsmanship.
In addition to its commercial and functional attributes, the artistic "spiritual charm" emitted by the hand-made New Year pictures has been erased by the cultural cognition of ordinary people in rural society.
This "spiritual charm" is precisely the reason for purchase by urban intellectuals or art lovers in recent years.
The latter value the traditional cultural factors represented by the "spiritual charm".
Once the Kitchen King painting becomes intangible cultural heritage, it is impossible to stay in the original theme, craftsmanship and even shape to retain its original appearance.
In the context of intangible cultural heritage, the technical expression of Kitchen King New Year painting production from manual to machine reflects not only the material, artistic and spiritual changes, but also the significance and value of folk art under the social and cultural transformation in which it exists.
Reconstruction means "intangible cultural heritage", that is, the "defamiliarization" of folk articles being constructed.
3.
The basis and authenticity of folk traditions
As a sacrificial certificate, the Kitchen King New Year Picture has undergone changes in technology, art, production and sales in the changes of modern society.
As modernity increasingly becomes a topic, the complexity of society increases, social order needs to be rebuilt, and people have more choices and expressions.
This expression conveys the relationship between individuals and others through the medium of "things".
In the process of social evolution, the use value and practical value of folk handicrafts are deviating, and the cultural concepts, value judgments, etc.
attached to them are also changing or deriving.
As a result, their production and production methods are also undergoing changes.
From manual work to machine reproduction technology), but "change" is relative.
In the context of modernization, the Kitchen King New Year pictures are not completely recognizable, and its nature as a "relying object" in folk customs has not changed.
This kind of "change" and "unchanging" is based on it.
As a worship of the belief in the Kitchen God in the New Year ritual, the image of the Kitchen God shows its uniqueness rooted in tradition.
In fact, whether traditional New Year pictures artists copy original proofs and expand existing themes, or when conceiving new artistic images and creating new New Year pictures, they are all related to a certain folk mentality in the society of the times.
This is also the yardstick for measuring the "change" and "unchanged" of a Kitchen King New Year Picture.
When the Kitchen King New Year pictures entered the intangible cultural heritage context from folk art images, they began to be appreciated, consumed and re-constructed from the original folk space.
At this time, the "authenticity" of the changing folk culture was enlarged.
Although its authenticity cannot be clarified and the original ecological illusion has been abandoned by scholars, we must examine its authenticity from a dynamic and changing cultural perspective.
If the changing natural environment, society and people's values constitute the authenticity system of the Kitchen King New Year paintings, then the authenticity itself is dynamic, and the nature of the Kitchen King New Year paintings as a "relying object" in folk customs is to maintain this dynamic balance."sea fixing needle".
Folk etiquette images are products of culture, have social significance and cultural value to their users, and are cumulative passed down from generation to generation.
They give people a sense of self, that is, a sense of who we are and who we "belong" to.
something that is cognitive.
As a part of the material world, the Kitchen King image does not have any clear meaning in itself.
Only when it is continuously interpreted in different contexts can it produce effective social functions.
At present, many rural areas across the country still continue the custom of "sending the Kitchen God to heaven" on the 23rd of the twelfth lunar month, and it is still "one gift and one welcome".
In the ritual operations of "sending" and "welcoming", the Kitchen King's New Year pictures are regarded as the basis for the stove sacrifice ceremony.
This "ritual" requires three elements: what is said, what is used, and what is done.
During the sacrifice to the stove, the "words said"-saying good things from heaven and ensuring peace from the lower world, and expressing the inner expectations through the "words said".
The "things used" are the "objects" that can be seen with the eyes during the worship ceremony, such as the image of the Kitchen God sitting upright and the noodles, fruits, sugar melons, etc.
offered to the Kitchen God.
"Actions done" refer to the moment of communication shared by humans and gods during the ceremony, when people make ceremonial "taboos", such as where the sacrifice will be held, who will worship, and the physical rules during the worship.
The stove sacrifice ceremony provides people with the opportunity to perform mythological performances, allowing themselves to enter a sacred context and temporarily detach themselves from their mortal identity-experience the disengagement of social identity through dialogue with the family god.
The stove sacrifice ceremony is not a reflection of something in society, but a reproduction of a tradition with its own independent dynamic mechanism-the meeting between man and god.
The "things" in the ceremony reflect the logic of communication between man and God, and reflect human beings 'self-positioning in the universe and society.
This is also the social function of folk customs in people's lives.
The long-standing custom of offering sacrifices to stoves is a social behavior based on regions.
It has gradually stabilized and solidified in the process of inheritance of cultural customs, making it full of social significance.
This significance is consistent with the original intention of intangible cultural heritage protection.
Folk traditions in the intangible cultural heritage context lie behind the behavior of worshiping gods.
They aim at strengthening family and national views, embody the sacred concept of China, and imply the mystery of the Chinese nation passing on from generation to generation, unity and progress, and endless life.
Society is developing, technology is improving, and people's values will not be "one-stop".
Handcrafted works originally made for gods are collected as works of art in museums for display in the current intangible cultural heritage context, or are taken over by collectors for their own.
Although the form of folk handicrafts produced by machines as traditional crafts has changed, their nature as "relying on things" in folk customs has not changed.
Even mechanically produced handicrafts have not completely lost their authenticity, at least the "original intention" of their worship is still preserved in it.
This is also the result of the interaction between the attributes and appearance of a Kitchen King New Year Picture in a modern society and the "belief function".
As some scholars have pointed out,"On the one hand, the native land that was originally consistent with folk handicrafts is no longer the original native land; on the other hand, the new inheritance subject...
The aesthetic pursuit of folk handicrafts just includes the native nature.
It can be said that in the process from localization to re-localization, traditional handicrafts have gained new social life."
4.
Mutual benefit between intangible cultural heritage discourse and folk traditions
"Daily life not only provides a more complete academic perspective for the study of intangible cultural heritage, but also provides a real social foundation for the realization of its value.
In the logic of daily life, folk custom is a relatively stable and modeled life culture in daily life; intangible cultural heritage is 'another life technology' relative to modern technology, representing the traditional folk lifestyle and ensuring the diversity of daily life styles." Intangible cultural heritage protection requires dynamic inheritance, and any intangible cultural heritage project needs to interact with daily life and generate creativity.
Therefore, thinking about the protection and inheritance of current intangible cultural heritage includes two aspects: folk tradition and intangible cultural heritage protection movement.
Degree review.
Due to their interdependence, interconnection, and interaction, they show a relationship of "karma and harmony", which is also the reason for the cultural disintegration of the Kitchen King New Year paintings.
In terms of social function differentiation, the Yangjiabu Kitchen King's "paintings" were used by local vendors to enter the stoves of the general public through woodblock carving and color printing.
A Kitchen King New Year Picture covers many attributes such as folk custom, culture, religion, art, technology, economy, etc.
This is also the authentic attribute of a Kitchen King New Year Picture in the eyes of contemporary people.
In terms of material attributes, it has a complete system of production, sales, technology, materials, and craftsmanship, and can be called a commodity; in terms of spiritual attributes, as the "object" of offering sacrifices to the stove, it is the "head of the household" of every household of the common people.
Its mythological and religious nature govern people's daily behaviors; in terms of art, the diversity of the Kitchen King's images reflects the laws of occurrence, aesthetics and creation of folk art; Politically speaking, although some folk customs are excluded from the political system, the intrinsic value of folk customs reflects the importance of "etiquette" in China culture through the relationship between "etiquette" and religious beliefs and rituals., highlighting the inherent consistency of "harmony" and "beauty" between home and country; technically speaking, woodblock overprinting technology is a representative of advanced productivity in farming society, but in industrial society it has become a representative of backward productivity that hinders social development.
However, these attributes will change after entering the intangible cultural heritage context.
Through a survey of folk stove worship customs in Shandong, the author found that people's belief in the "Kitchen King" still exists, but as an image of the Kitchen King in the stove worship ceremony, since 2003, woodblock overprinted Kitchen King images have been replaced by machine-printed Kitchen King images.
This substitution can be reflected in the aesthetic value and collection value of woodblock New Year paintings, the productivity and job selection rate of producers, and the folk psychology and use functions of consumers.
Behind this technical substitution is the subtle relationship between the intangible cultural heritage protection movement and folk changes and the corresponding essential attributes of images being reconstructed.
The interaction and isomorphism between intangible cultural heritage discourse and folk traditions has the greatest impact on Yangjiabu Kitchen King paintings in the reconstruction of artistic boundaries.
At present, the "right to speak on knowledge" brought about by the intangible cultural heritage protection movement has transformed the attribute of "art for art's sake" in New Year pictures that have been extracted from etiquette and customs and are regarded as "works of art" by contemporary people.
This transformation has lost the connection between the "authenticity" of traditional handicrafts and etiquette and customs.
The former Kitchen King woodblock New Year painting has become a "work of art" containing folk knowledge.
People are willing to pay for its heritage value and are also willing to pay a high price due to its scarcity.
This process is a symptom whose significance has gone beyond the scope of art, but is an operation of intellectual power in the art market.
With the in-depth spread of the value of intangible cultural heritage, the folk handicraft once known as the "Xialiba people"-woodblock New Year pictures is now regarded as a "new favorite" by New Year pictures enthusiasts and collectors."Then and that place" has become the collection value and weight of woodblock New Year pictures.
Collectors always leave traces of fetishism, sharing the power of worship through possession of art.
Despite this, non-folk images of the Kitchen King have long been "secularized" by art researchers.
The pursuit of folk customs and the pursuit of value for beauty have become the "cultural distance" between mechanical New Year pictures and traditional New Year pictures.
This "cultural distance" is not only caused by time and space, but also caused by the weakening of the value of worship.
It is the failure of people to measure the "authenticity" of traditional handicrafts in the intangible cultural heritage context, which shows that the social situation and social function of folk etiquette art have undergone fundamental changes.
The foundation of folk art is no longer etiquette, but the social practice of intangible cultural heritage knowledge and power in the intangible cultural heritage protection movement.
The consumer demand to purchase woodblock New Year pictures as a work of art has actually divorced from the authenticity of New Year pictures, because the main characteristics and essence of ritual art are: inaccessibility.
People can physically approach it, but cannot interrupt the "far", which expresses the worship value of the work of art in terms of the perception of time and space.
Collectors are willing to pay high prices to buy back some images that do not have "worship value".
They explain their composition, colors, techniques, materials, values and meanings through so-called professional knowledge, and also make them enter the eyes of urban people through museum channels.
Vision, become part of popular culture.
These collectors or researchers use knowledge and power to lead public opinion and provide a "field" for folk art to transform its identity, thereby making folk etiquette art an "art" resource in the intangible cultural heritage field and being used by contemporary artists.
Further re-creation.
The interaction and isomorphism between the intangible cultural heritage protection movement and folk traditions makes intangible cultural heritage discourse and folk traditions mutually beneficial.
Relying on its new identity as "intangible cultural heritage", folk traditions have somewhat gotten rid of the negative meaning of the concept of "folklore" and become an important cultural resource in contemporary life.
In recent years, the frequent exchanges between scholars, media, and government and descendants of Yangjiabu New Year paintings stem from the re-understanding of the context of handicraft making as a New Year custom, as well as the fact that New Year paintings enthusiasts can only truly understand the "original flavor" New Year paintings by visiting the origin of the New Year paintings.
Art and full of expectations.
Therefore, the origin of New Year paintings, New Year paintings customs, and New Year paintings artists have become local resources for developing folk traditions in the intangible cultural heritage context.
The "intangible cultural heritage" of folk traditions gives "those cultural creations that are good at resisting the erosion of time", namely folk traditions, legitimacy and positivity, and provides a sustainable humanistic environment and a practical mechanism for the overall protection of folk customs.
In the process of "transformation", the social function and cultural representational significance of the Kitchen King image are reconstructed.
In short, although the intangible cultural heritage protection movement does not span a long time, its influence is immeasurable.
At present, the research work on the protection and inheritance of intangible cultural heritage has continued to deepen from the extensive research in the past.
The government and academic circles advocate that the folk traditions to which folk crafts are attached be combined with the cultural ecology in the context of intangible cultural heritage can be effectively protected.
Traditional handicrafts, and the folk customs to which traditional handicrafts are attached have been valued by the government and scholars from the perspective of "cultural protection" and even recreated, further promoting the development and research of folk culture.
At the same time, it conforms to the holistic principle of intangible cultural heritage protection.
The interaction and isomorphism between the "intangible cultural heritage" of folk customs and the "contemporary nature" of intangible cultural heritage has become the source and motivation for the fission of the nature of folk handicrafts.
Folk crafts are not "cultural relics", but local traditions in the hands of villagers.
As a living cultural reality, they coexist with various folk phenomena in the current social context.
During the period of social transformation, the folk handicrafts that entered the intangible cultural heritage list are no longer "relied on" in the custom of offering sacrifices to stoves, but have become "decorations" and "works of art" in museums, modern rooms, and art galleries.
The producers have changed from "folk craftsmen" to "masters of arts and crafts" or "inheritors of intangible cultural heritage", which has also led to the break between the standards of use and the aesthetic standards.
This rupture makes folk art have the symbolism and representativeness of traditional culture in local society.
These "symbols" or "representations" of folk traditions have become effective elements of the "3.0 level" of intangible cultural heritage protection and development, and enrich and extend the connotation and scope of use of folk art.
The changes in this series of folk events in the intangible cultural heritage context have just become the driving mechanism for the reproduction of a certain society's culture.
It is also the biggest achievement brought by the intangible cultural heritage protection movement and folk traditions in the process of interaction and isomorphism.
(This article is published in "Folk Customs Research", issue 2, 2020, with the annotations omitted, see the original issue for details)